
.
.LI PENG
Li Peng
(born 20 October 1928) was the fourth Premier of the People's
Republic of China, between 1987 and 1998, and the Chairman of the
Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, China's top
legislative body, from 1998 to 2003.
For much of the 1990s Li was
ranked second in the Communist Party of China (CPC) hierarchy
behind then General Secretary Jiang Zemin. He retained his seat on
the Politburo Standing Committee until 2002.
As Premier, Li was the most
visible representative of China's government who backed the use of
force to quell the
Tiananmen Square protests of 1989.
Li also advocated for a
largely conservative approach with Chinese economic reform, which
placed him at odds with former Premier
Zhao Ziyang, who fell out of favour after 1989.
As Premier, Li
oversaw a rapidly growing economy, and attempted to decentralize
and downsize the Chinese bureaucracy, to varying degrees of
success. He was also at the helm of the controversial Three Gorges
Dam project.
Personal background
Li was born in Chengdu, Sichuan
Province, the son of writer Li Shuoxun, one of the earliest CPC
revolutionaries. Li was orphaned at age three when his father was
executed by the
Kuomintang for treason and for support of armed splittism. He
became the adopted son of
Zhou Enlai, famed in China as the strong supporter and
disciple of
Mao Zedong. As a seventeen year old in 1945, Li joined the
Chinese Communist Party.
Rise to power
Like other Communist Party cadres
of the third generation, Li gained a technical background. In 1941
he began studying at the Institute of Natural Science (the former
Beijing Institute of Technology) in Yan'an. In 1948, he was sent
to study at the Moscow Power Engineering Institute, majoring in
hydroelectric engineering. During the period he was chairman of
the Chinese Students Association in the Soviet Union. A year
later, Zhou Enlai became Premier of the newly declared People's
Republic of China. Li survived the upheavals of the Cultural
Revolution unscathed, primarily due to his family contacts in powerful Communist circles.
Li advanced politically, becoming deputy minister of the state
power industry in 1979 and then minister in 1981. Between 1979 and
1983, he served as vice-minister and minister of Power Industry
and secretary of the Party Group of the Ministry of Power
Industry, and vice-minister and deputy secretary of the Party
group of the Ministry of Water Resources and Power.
After Li was elected member of the
CPC Central Committee at the Twelfth CPC National Congress in
1982, he rose to the Politburo and the Party Secretariat in 1985,
and the standing committee of the Politburo in 1987, when he also
became acting premier. Beginning in 1983, Li Peng served as
vice-premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of
China. Beginning in
1985, he served concurrently as minister in charge of the State
Education Commission.
While in this position, political
dissent as well as social problems like inflation, urban migration
and school overcrowding became even greater problems in China.
Despite these acute challenges, Li shifted his focus from the
day-to-day concerns of the energy, communications and raw
materials departments, instead to the forefront of the inter-party
debate on the pace of market reforms, opposing the modern economic reforms pioneered
by
Zhao Ziyang throughout Zhao's years of public service. While
students and
intellectuals urged greater reforms, some party elders
increasingly feared that the instability opened up by any
significant reforms threatened to undermine the authority of the
Communist Party, the central focus of Li's career.
Premiership
Hu Yaobang, a protégé of
Deng Xiaoping and a leading advocate of reform, was blamed by
the Communist Party for allowing a series of national student-led
protests and forced to resign as CPC General Secretary in January
1987. Premier
Zhao Ziyang was made General Secretary and Li Peng, former
Vice Premier and Minister of Electric Power and Water Conservancy,
was made
Premier of the People's Republic of China.
After Zhao became General Secretary of China, his proposals in
May 1988 to expand free enterprise led to popular complaints
(which some suggest were politically inspired) about inflation
fears and gave opponents of rapid reform the opening to call for
greater centralization of economic controls and stricter
prohibitions against Western influence, especially opposing
further expansion of Zhao's more free enterprise-oriented
approach. This precipitated a political debate, which grew more
heated through the winter of 1988-1989.
The death of Hu Yaobang on 15 April 1989, coupled with
continuing economic hardship and high inflation, provided the
backdrop for the
largescale protest movement of 1989 by students,
intellectuals, and other parts of a disaffected
urban population.
Taking advantage of the loosening political atmosphere,
students throughout the nation's cities, led marches and protests,
reacting to a variety of causes for their discontent, which was
most attributed to the slow pace of reform. Li, along with the
revolutionary elders who still wielded considerable power and
influence, increasingly came to the opposite conclusion, staunchly
opposing any rapid pace of economic or political change, which
further exacerbated the mood of confusion and frustration rife
among the nation's new era of university students.
Ideologically closer to the revolutionary elders, especially
his mentor
Chen Yun, Li had less expertise in modern economics than some
of his contemporaries, Li favoring more the Soviet-style central
economic planning and slower
economic growth. Li most strongly believed that economic
growth and a successful transition to the future was primarily
dependent upon political stability.
Chairmanship of the National People's Congress
He remained premier until 1998, when he was constitutionally
limited to two terms. After his second term expired, he became the
chairman of the
National People's Congress. Support for Li for the largely
ceremonial position was low, as he only received less than 90% of
the vote at the 1998 National People's Congress, where he was the
only candidate.
He spent much of his time monitoring what he considers his life's
work, the
Three Gorges Dam. Like many in his generation, the hydraulic
engineer, who spent much of his career presiding over a vast and
growing power industry, considered himself a builder and a
modernizer.
Legacy
Although retired and in his early eighties, Li retains some
influence in the PSC. The former Politburo Standing Committee of
the Communist Party of China member Luo
Gan, is considered to be his protégé.
Since the 17th Party Congress, Li's influence has considerably
waned and he is no longer active on China's political scene,
partially owing to the corruption issues that plague him and his
whole family.
In the immediate aftermath of the Tiananmen protests, Li took a
role in the austerity program, the tight money policy, price
controls on many commodities, supporting higher interest rates and
the cut-off of state loans to the private and cooperative sectors,
in attempts to reduce inflation. Deng and, particularly, Zhu
Rongji later loosened these controls when they were no longer
deemed necessary, as Zhu believed more in Zhao's open approach to
markets, which continued to lead to the longer-term, steady,
rapid, uninterrupted economic growth in the years that followed.
Li started two megaprojects when
he was the premier, the Three Gorges Dam and Shenzhou Manned Space
Program. Both programs were subject to
much controversy within China and abroad, the latter especially
due to its extraordinary cost of tens of billions in a country
that sometimes referred to itself as Third World. Many economists
and humanitarians suggested that those billions in capital might
be better invested in helping the population deal with economic
hardships and improvement in the areas of education, health
services, and developing a dependable legal system.
In 2010,
The Critical Moment – Li Peng Diaries the diary supposedly
written by him covering the period of the Tiananmen Square
protests was released in Los Angeles.
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